For 14 months, the Biden administration let the Houthis savage international shipping lanes through the Red Sea and Suez Canal and attack Israel and Saudi Arabia without sufficient response. So it is good that America is finally acting, under US President Donald Trump’s leadership, to eliminate Houthi missiles and air bases in Yemen.

More importantly, Trump said this week that he would hold Iran responsible for any attacks conducted by its Houthi proxy regime.

“Every shot fired by the Houthis will be looked upon, from this point forward, as being a shot fired from the weapons and leadership of IRAN, and IRAN will be held responsible and suffer the consequences, and those consequences will be dire!” the president wrote on his Truth Social platform.

He then sent a letter (via the Emiratis) to “Supreme Leader” Ayatollah Ali Khamenei of Iran with a two-month deadline for a deal to end Iran’s nuclear bomb and ballistic missile programs. US National Security Advisor Mike Waltz specified that the Islamic Republic must “hand over and give up” on all elements of its nuclear program, including missiles, weaponization, and uranium enrichment.

Iran’s response? Khamenei said that Tehran would not be bullied into talks by “excessive demands and threats” from the US. He called Trump’s offer for talks “a deception aimed at misleading public opinion.” To boot, he once again called the Holocaust a “myth” and a “fictitious event” – a theme to which he frequently, obsessively returns – something that exposes his annihilationist-toward-Israel mindset.

I find that foreign leaders and officials, even those who specialize in the Middle East, truly are not aware of the scope of Iranian muckraking and troublemaking in the region. Generally, they know that there are bad actors at play out there, from al-Qaeda and ISIS to Hezbollah, but they don’t have a comprehensive picture of Iranian belligerence and ambition.

They often wrongly assume that the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, then-president Barack Obama’s nuclear deal with Iran, is still in place, shunting concerns about Tehran to the backburner. Nor do they know that this October, Obama’s “snapback” mechanism for sanctions on Iran expires, giving the Islamic Republic a “legitimate” path to a nuclear bomb.

Some North American and European leaders prefer to pretend that Israel is exaggerating the menace of Iran. Therefore, instead of investing thought and effort in confronting Iran’s tectonic threat to Middle Eastern and global stability, they focus on a range of secondary regional issues.

These range from humanitarian relief for Palestinians in Gaza to settlements in Judea and Samaria and stabilization of the new regime in Syria. In pursuit of a bit of “balance” in their foreign policies, they might even feign some interest in the fate of Israeli hostages held by Hamas.

These are important issues but a sideshow to the urgency of halting Iran’s aggressive march across the Middle East. In fact, pushing back against Tehran is the linchpin of a necessary regional reset, the fulcrum for ameliorating most flashpoints in the region.

So, for those who have not been paying sufficient attention (or, again, for those who allege that Israel is exaggerating the Iranian threat), here is a summary of the treacherous Iranian record.

Iran’s overarching revolutionary ambitions

Iran does not hide its overarching revolutionary ambitions: to destroy Israel, to subdue any pro-Western states in the Middle East and dominate the region, and to export its brand of radical Islamism globally. Tehran constantly threatens Jerusalem with war and eventual destruction.

Khamenei regularly refers to the Jewish state as a “cancerous tumor” in the Middle East that must be removed and speaks of the complete liberation of Palestine (meaning the destruction of Israel) through holy jihad.Iran has sought to carve out a corridor of control – a Shi’ite land bridge – stretching from the Arabian (“Persian”) Gulf to the Mediterranean Sea, including major parts of Iraq, Syria, and Lebanon, under the control of the Iranian Revolutionary Guards Corps and its Quds Force, various Shi’ite militias, and Hezbollah.

This corridor has given Iran a broad strategic base for aggression across the region and has deterred Israel from operating against Iran.

Iran equipped Hezbollah with an arsenal of over 150,000 missiles and rockets aimed at Israel and supplied Hamas with the arms and rockets that fueled four significant military confrontations with Israel over the past decade.Fortunately, over the past year, much has changed.

Israel has operated to significantly defang and decapitate Hezbollah. The fall of the Assad regime in Syria to Sunni forces has weakened Iran’s Shi’ite arc across the region, too. And in the wake of Hamas’s October 2023 invasion of southern Israel, the IDF has moved to destroy the terror group’s military capabilities and end its rule in Gaza, a difficult campaign that is still underway and probably won’t be completed unless and until Tehran is subdued.

Iran is fomenting subversion in Middle Eastern countries that are Western allies, including Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and Jordan. It is particularly focused on destabilizing the Hashemite regime in Jordan to gain access to Israel’s longest border and, from there, to penetrate Israel’s heartland.

The mullahs of Tehran are behind the radical Islamic groups in Judea and Samaria and terrorist infrastructure with tons of weaponry and cash that are fueling violence against Israel – an infrastructure currently being exposed and destroyed by the IDF.

Iran is sponsoring terrorism against Western, Israeli, and Jewish targets around the world, including unambiguous funding, logistical support, planning, and personnel for terrorist attacks that span the globe, from Buenos Aires to Burgas. The Islamic Republic maintains an active terrorist network of proxies, agents, and sleeper cells worldwide.

Tehran is rapidly approaching full nuclear military status, with uranium enrichment and bomb-assembly facilities buried in near-impenetrable deep underground bunkers.

According to the IAEA, Iran has enriched uranium to almost-bomb-ready levels (60% and 84%, which are very close to the 90% level necessary for a nuclear weapon), with its stock of refined uranium hexafluoride growing by 92.5 kg. in the past quarter alone to 274.8 kg. By IAEA standards, this is sufficient for an estimated six nuclear weapons, with the final sprint achievable within months.

The past six US presidents all pledged that Iran would never be allowed to acquire a nuclear weapon. But Obama cut a rotten, soft deal with Tehran that legitimized the nuclear program and afforded the Islamic Republic tens of billions of dollars in sanctions relief and cash aid. President Joe Biden continued on this path.

Worse still, Biden’s top military man, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Gen. Mark Milley, dialed back America’s commitment to stopping Tehran by saying that the US only “remains committed [to ensuring that] Iran will not have a fielded nuclear weapon.” This suggested that the Biden administration was prepared to tolerate developed nuclear weapons in the Islamic Republic’s hands, provided the weapons were not “fielded,” in other words, deployed.

Iran has developed a formidable long-range missile arsenal of great technological variability, including solid and liquid propellant ballistic missiles, cruise missiles, and ICBMs. The entire Iranian ballistic missile program is in violation of United Nations Security Council prohibitions.

Tehran has fired its ballistic missiles at US troops in Iraq, at targets in Iraqi Kurdistan, and twice over the past year into Israel. Fortunately, Israeli air defenses, alongside a coalition of Western forces, successfully intercepted most of the incoming Iranian missiles aimed at the Jewish state, which were not (yet) nuclear-tipped. The latest Iranian ICBM seems to be based on the North Korean BM25 missile with a range of 3,500 km., meaning it could reach deep into Europe.

Iran has provided Russia with thousands of armed attack drones for Russian President Vladimir Putin’s war against Ukraine. Experts are concerned that, in return, Tehran will be getting sophisticated Russian military technologies such as new aerial defense systems – especially after Israel destroyed much of its Russian-supplied air defense systems (known as S-300 and S-400) in a retaliatory operation last October.

And where is all Iran’s money coming from? Well, in addition to the payouts from Obama and Biden, Iran’s Quds Force and Hezbollah are invested heavily in drug production and distribution (Captagon pills and more) across the Middle East and Europe and in money-laundering cryptocurrency schemes – as revealed two years ago by the Israeli Defense and Foreign Affairs ministries. And in violation of all international sanction regimes, Iran sells roughly $2 billion a month of oil to China.

This accounting is particularly important as America and Israel move closer – I hope and believe – to an essential, decisive military strike on Iran’s nuclear bomb facilities and missile bases.

Published in The Jerusalem Post, March 21, 2025.

Even though it is Purim, a Jewish holiday based on the biblical Book of Esther where drinking predominates, I am a bit hesitant to write about wine because of the ongoing war.

My boys are still on the IDF front lines, so many Israeli families have been ravaged by death and injury, and Israeli hostages are still held captive.

In fact, my last full column celebrating the Israeli wine industry (“Drink the fine wines of Israel and defy its detractors”) was published in this newspaper on Friday, October 6, 2023 – the eve of Simchat Torah 5783 and what has become known as the “Black Shabbat” – when Hamas invaded southern Israel and massacred and kidnapped more than a thousand Israelis.

By the next morning, it was inappropriate and even embarrassing to read my soaring, celebratory, enthusiastic poetry about Israeli wine wonders.

Since then, I have dared to write only about meaningful wine projects that memorialize fallen Israeli soldiers with personalized barrels and bottles of wine. (See “Toasting IDF heroes,” February 9, 2024.)
But with the downfall of Haman’s ten modern-day sons – Israel’s enemies in Gaza, Beirut, and Tehran: Al-Aruri, Aqil, Deif, Haniyeh, Issa, Kaouk, Nasrallah, Qubaisi, Shukr, and Sinwar – it is fine to again celebrate Jewish redemption and Zionist renaissance by focusing on good (and kosher) Israeli wine.

At the very least, we can drown our enemies in drink – the Hamans of this world who alas exist also in Western intellectual circles and university campuses, not only in the Middle East.

May even greater Israeli victories in the immediate future blot out the memory of the evil men mentioned above as well as the horrible traumas visited upon our brave nation!

IN MY VIEW, the internationally acclaimed Israeli wine sector is much more than yet another “Start-Up Nation” success. Rather, the Israeli wine world is a deep profession of faith. It is a celebration of the People, Land, and God of Israel reunified.

Wine’s unique status in Judaism

Indeed, the fruit of the vine holds unique status in Jewish thought, beyond the elevated status of wine that pertains across civilizations. The reason for this lies in the traverse between Jewish theology and mysticism.

First, the bond between God and the Jewish People is akin to that of the viticulturist and his vine, a relationship of nurturing and enduring love. (See Psalms 80:15 and many more places in scripture.)

Second, Ezekiel prophesized (36:8) that in the days of redemption,the mountains of Israel would be commanded to “shoot forth branches and yield fruit to My People Israel; for they will soon come.” Rabbi Abba subsequently taught in the Babylonian Talmud (Sanhedrin 98a) that “there is no greater revealed sign of redemption than the agricultural re-blooming of the Land of Israel.” So there are Biblical and Zionist echoes in every glass of modern Israeli wine.

Third, the perfumed alcoholic properties of wine can either clarify or cloud one’s judgment. They can catapult one’s consciousness to a pure world where only God’s will reigns supreme (like the world before the rebellion against God in the Garden of Eden) or drag a person into stupor and sin.

In a world where morality and evil are intermingled, and confusion reigns in discerning Godly from earthly, the great challenge is to choose good. “Behold I have set before you life and death, blessings and curses. Now choose life, so that you and your children may live” (Deuteronomy 30:19).

Thus, Jews drink wine with lofty goals, especially on Purim when the Amalekite mix of malevolence threatened to obliterate all boundaries of morality and annihilate the Jewish People.

We reject the Shushanite world of wild drunkenness, bloodthirsty passion, and atheistic creed, and instead elevate our thoughts towards a perfected world where God’s presence is overwhelmingly dominant.

This is the unusual Purim concept of ad delo yada, to drink to the point where the arrogance of supposedly superior knowledge – which today is sometimes called “enlightenment” although in extreme it can be Fascist or Marxist – is tempered by mind-bending drink.

The idea is erasure of the insidious gap between good and evil that distances us from God. The idea is an effacement of Amalekite influences and ideologies in our world. Then it is possible to connect to whispers of Divine communion that run all through the universe.

AND SO, we raise a glass (or many glasses) of good wine to say LeChaim, to life; expressing our determination to drive towards the good, articulating our desire to reveal the Divine values embedded in Torah and the eternal ideals latent in Jewish history.

Remember: Judaism is not ascetic. Jewish life is meant to be lived through beauty, bounty, and joy. And if delight is channeled through the right spiritual principles, it can lead to true cleavage with the Almighty.

Halacha, Jewish law, seeks to channel our behavior through correct kavanot – thoughts and intentions. One path to this is mandatory blessings over food, with wine accorded special status.

Wine is the only beverage with a special blessing, boreh pri hagefen: Blessed is God who creates fruit of the vine. Before drinking Israeli wine specifically, an additional blessing can be made (in certain circumstances), known as hatov ve-hametiv: Blessed is God, the Good Lord who does good.

And after drinking Israeli wine (again, specifically Israeli-made wine) there is another special blessing, al haaretz ve-al pri gafna: Blessed is God, the Lord who gives us the Land of Israel and the fruit of its vines.

Properly refracted in this way, pointing to God, wine becomes the preferred drink with which to mark Jewish life-cycle events and holy days, from circumcisions to weddings, and the Sabbath, Purim, and Passover.

Halachic masters have also worked overtime throughout the centuries to insist on “distinctions” when drinking wine, especially to keep Jews and non-Jews from mingling over too much drink, then intermarrying and worshiping foreign gods.

This is the background to Jewish law strictures relating to “kosher” wine, which forbids the consumption of wine produced and poured by non-Jews. (Full explication of halachic sociology in this matter goes far beyond the confines of this article.)

WHICH LEADS me to a Purim and Passover wine suggestion.

Try newer varieties of grape now being grown in Israel like Dolcetto and Barbera, black wine grapes native to Piedmont in northwest Italy.

Tura Winery of Samaria and Teperberg Winery of the Samson Plains recently have vinified fantastic wines from these grapes. The wines are light and fresh, juicy and aromatic, perfectly matched for drinking in hot Israeli summers.

Other early and outstanding Barbera wines are made by the Lueria and Ramat Naftaly wineries of the upper Galilee.

Overall, to get into the Israeli wine industry, move away from core French varietals like Cabernet Sauvignon, Merlot, and Chardonnay and toward “Mediterranean” varietals like Grenache, Syrah, Mourvèdre, Marselan, Carignan, Sangiovese, Roussanne, and Viognier.

These grapes are typical of the hot climates that pertain in the Rhone Valley and southern France, and Spain and Italy.

Try the Mediterranean-trend wines made by Domaine Netofa, Tulip-MAIA, Kishor, and Jezreel wineries of the lower Galilee; Recanati, Dalton, and Lueria wineries of the upper Galilee; Raziel Winery of the Judean Hills; Vitkin Winery of the Central Plains; and the micro-producers Bazak, Eviatar, Lahat, Maresha, Munitz, Oryah, Shiran, and Telem.

Published in The Jerusalem Post, March 14, 2025.

The Trump administration seeks to expand the Abraham Accords, first and foremost with Saudi Arabia, however, the current reality on the ground does not encourage such moves in the near future. Saudi Arabia has declared that it will not establish relations with Israel without significant political progress with the Palestinians—an unacceptable demand from Israel’s perspective. While moderate Arab leaders do recognize Hamas as a terrorist organization, they still harshly condemn Israel for its war in Gaza, portraying it as a war criminal, and the majority of the Arab public, influenced by extremely biased local media, shares this view.

The Arab plan for Gaza released last week reflects this attitude, calling for an end to the war and an “independent, sovereign Palestinian state” without even mentioning Hamas. In this sense, Hamas has, in the meantime, succeeded in achieving one of its main goals of this war, to prevent Israeli-Saudi conciliation. With Israel on the brink of renewing its military effort to oust Hamas, this situation is unlikely to change in the coming months, and we must recognize this fact.

However, despite bringing emotional sympathy and commitment to Palestinians across the Arab world to a relative peak, at no point in recent decades has Israel been more important for Arab security and geopolitical interests, whereas support for the Palestinian cause does nothing to assist Arab’s many internal challenges; in fact, it may worsen them.

For example, Jordan faces internal pressure from Islamists emboldened by the fall of the Assad regime and is experiencing a severe economic crisis, while relying on Israel for energy and water. Syria is devastated and fragmented along ethnic-religious lines, and its Islamist leader is willing to act with restraint to stabilize the regime—though it is important to note that any hope for rebuilding the country after 14 years of war is largely due to Israel’s military campaign against Hezbollah and Iran.

Lebanon, which for the first time in decades has a government capable of countering Hezbollah’s dominance, is in this position only because Israeli actions weakened the Shi’ite organization and opened a window for restoring national sovereignty.

Similarly, Egypt is dealing with economic collapse due to declining Suez Canal revenues caused by Houthi attacks in the Red Sea—attacks that only Israel has shown a willingness to counter effectively.

The Gulf states that signed peace agreements with Israel maintain their relations despite their critical diplomatic rhetoric. They understand that their economies remain one-dimensional, dependent on energy exports, and that they must cooperate with innovative and creative partners—Israel being exactly such a partner.

Saudi Arabia is at a critical juncture: despite its wealth, half of its GDP still comes from the energy sector. Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s Vision 2030 faces many challenges and depends largely on importing innovation to make Saudi Arabia relevant in the era of artificial intelligence. Meanwhile, the kingdom faces internal threats to the crown prince’s life due to his controversial policies, which could be entirely reversed if someone else were to take over. Beyond this, like many countries in the region, Saudi Arabia benefits greatly from the reduction in Iranian influence across the region—a direct result of Israel’s actions in recent months.

In this context, any demand for the establishment of a Palestinian state as a price for peace with Saudi Arabia is baseless. It will not help Arab states address their challenges; rather, it may destabilize what little stability they have.

Somewhat counterintuitively, if Israel were to pursue the Egyptian-led plan by pursuing a ceasefire without first eliminating Hamas, this would actually remove any incentive the Arab states have for advancing relations with Israel as it would mean Israel is too weak to follow through on its war aims. This would translate into a windfall for Islamists across the region. Therefore, Israel must reject the idea that diplomatic relations are contingent on concessions to the Palestinians.

Saudi Arabia will not extend a hand to a weak partner incapable of defeating their mutual enemies, of which Hamas is the smaller and Iran the larger. The only way to reshape the regional landscape is for Israel to achieve a swift and decisive victory in Gaza through a combination of fully conquering the territory and creating a passageway to allow Gazans who seek to leave the Strip to do so, unpopular as both of these might be with many states in the region. At the same time, Israel must carry out a large-scale attack on Iran’s nuclear program to complete the shift in the Middle East’s balance of power. Only afterward can Israel return to discussing peace with Saudi Arabia and other countries—but this time from a position of strength.

Published in JNS, March 12, 2025.

Not enough attention was given this week to the passing of Dr. Dore Gold, who served as a strategic adviser to Israeli prime ministers and as Israeli ambassador to the United Nations. Dore’s contribution to Israel’s diplomacy was outsized and his oeuvre is instructive. He uniquely knew to zero in on the most important issues of the day.

Earlier in his career as an American academic, he focused on radical Islam and the terrorism it spawned, which was then flowing freely out of Saudi Arabia. His doctoral dissertation on this formed the basis for his 2003 book, Hatred’s Kingdom: How Saudi Arabia Supports the New Global Terrorism. (In more recent years, he acknowledged the deep and positive changes in Riyadh under the leadership of Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman.)

In the 1980s at Tel Aviv University (which is when I met him and learned to rely on him as a wise observer of emerging trends), he focused on US defense policy relating to the Middle East. Gold developed the discourse that eventually was broadly adopted by Jerusalem and its advocates abroad regarding Israel’s strategic value to the United States and the importance of anchoring US-Israel relations in close security and intelligence coordination.

Twenty-five years ago, he became an early proponent of Israel’s formal designation as an American non-NATO ally, and of the association of Israel to CENTCOM, the US military’s Central Command structure covering the Middle East, something that finally happened in 2021.

After the Oslo Accords were signed, Gold was dragged unenthusiastically by Benjamin Netanyahu into talks with the Palestinians in the UK and Jordan (even before he became prime minister in 1996), meeting with Yasser Arafat and Mahmoud Abbas, as well as Jordanian and American leaders.

Dr. Gold was always skeptical of Palestinian intentions and the Palestinian Authority’s capacity to pursue true peace. Thus, he sought to ensure that security parameters for Judea and Samaria (and the Golan Heights) were adhered to, as set out by prime minister Yitzchak Rabin before his assassination.

When Dore assumed the presidency of the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs in 2000, he parlayed this security focus into one of the most important and influential think tank ventures in Israel’s history: the Defensible Borders for Israel project.

Leading a broad range of military generals and defense experts, he sketched out the rationale for Israeli security control of West Bank mountain ridges and the Jordan Valley plus a broad east-west Jerusalem corridor – with detailed maps – and he outlined the key elements of the necessary “demilitarization” of the Palestinian government.

This was a revival of Gen. Yigal Alon’s defensible border paradigms from the 1970s (and which were the mainstay of Rabin’s security worldview, even as he signed the iffy Oslo Accords).

For over a decade, Gold presented the study at every think tank and parliament around the world, with the study and its video versions translated into half a dozen languages. To a certain extent, this document is still the basis for Israel’s security-based diplomacy, more salient than ever following the failure of the Oslo peace process and the annihilationist-toward-Israel turn of the Palestinian national movement.

In the late nineties (during Netanyahu’s first term as prime minister), Gold served for two years as Israeli ambassador to the United Nations, and this exposed him to a different, troubling facet of the Arab-Israeli conflict: denialism of the Jewish People’s historic and fundamental rights in Jerusalem and Israel altogether.

Gold was shocked by Arab (and European) denial of Israel’s profound, centuries-old, national connections to the Land of Israel. He witnessed Palestinian rhetorical violence against Israeli/Jewish indigenousness in the Land of Israel, something meant to savage the core identity of Jews and Israelis.

He understood, long before the globally-woke assault on Israel post-October 7, that the Jewish state’s enemies sought to strip justice and authenticity from Israel’s very existence, and to upend Israel’s alliance with the human-rights-supporting, democratic world. He understood that “they want Jerusalem and want us out of Israel, period,” as he told colleagues back then.

Gold feared, alas correctly, that the denialism juggernaut could one day lead to violent antisemitic battering of Jews and Jewish institutions around the world – as we indeed have seen over the past 18 months.

Consequently, he became convinced that in addition to a security-based discourse, Israel must augment its diplomacy with a rights-based one. He decided that it was essential to reengage in the fight for Israel with historical truths and convictions rooted in faith, not only with security arguments.

‘The fight for Jerusalem’

In 2007, he wrote a book called The Fight for Jerusalem: Radical Islam, the West, and the Future of the Holy City, which took-up the fight against Arab denialism. He turned this into a series of graphic presentations about the Jewish people’s indigenous rights in Israel – videos and presentations that have been broadcast around the world.

Gold even hosted an event at the UN that showed Israel’s millennia of archaeological history with artifacts from the First and Second Temple periods, proving the Jewish people’s overwhelming connection to the Land of Israel since antiquity.

In his short stint as director-general of Israel’s Foreign Ministry (2015-2016), he sought to make pushback against Arab denialism a central focus of Israeli diplomacy. At the time, Mahmoud Abbas of the PA in particular had taken to denying the historical existence of the Temples in Jerusalem, driving a series of UN resolutions that declared Jerusalem an exclusively Muslim heritage city and criminalizing Israel’s custodianship of holy sites.

TWENTY YEARS ago, Gold also started an international effort to criminalize the genocidal-against-Israel threats of Iranian leaders, especially then-Iranian president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. He authored a best-selling book in 2009 entitled The Rise of Nuclear Iran: How Tehran Defies the West. Western leaders may again want to look this book up as Israel today readies to finally destroy Iran’s nuclear bomb and ballistic missile programs.

The Middle East strategist played a behind-the-scenes role in developing the Trump administration’s Mideast peace plan in 2020: ‘Peace to Prosperity,’ dubbed by President Trump as the ‘Deal of the Century’” Not surprisingly and very appropriately, this plan combined the security-based and rights-based principles that marked his career, thus ensuring Israeli military and civilian control of critical areas and its sovereign rights over unified Jerusalem.

All the while, Jews and friends of Israel around the world came to know and appreciate Ambassador Gold through his bold interviews on every global media platform no matter how unfriendly to Israel, as well as his fearless debates in public forums with Israel’s foes. I recall with appreciation his decisive takedown at Brandeis University of Richard Goldstone (of the infamous eponymously named 2009 UN report on Israeli human rights “crimes” in Gaza).

In many ways, the American-born and American-accented author and Israel advocate paved the way for other American olim (immigrants) in Israeli diplomacy, including my late father, Prof. Henry (Zvi) Weinberg – an MK for the Israel Ba’Aliyah Party in the late 90s – and ambassadors Michael Oren and Ron Dermer.

(I hold a wonderful photo of my father in discussion at Blair House in Washington in 1998 with Gold, Netanyahu, ambassador of Israel Eliyahu Ben-Elissar, former Jerusalem Post editor-in-chief David Bar-Illan, who was then the prime minister’s Director of Communications and Policy Planning, and others.)

Securing Israel’s borders while battling delegitimization of Israel: This is Dore Gold’s vital and admirable legacy. He deserves a collective memorial salute from Israel and the wider Jewish world.

Published in The Jerusalem Post, March 7, 2025.

“No Other Land” won Best Documentary Feature Film at the Academy Awards on Monday. The film follows one of its directors, Basel Adra, as his village Masafer Yatta, near Hebron, is set to be demolished by the IDF.

The film is partly made up of videos that Masafer Yatta residents collected over the course of 20 years, and is in part about the growing friendship between Adra and another director of the film, an Israeli journalist named Yuval Avraham. The film depicts most Israelis and the IDF as unnecessarily cruel and violent, while presenting Palestinian violence against Israelis as justified resistance.

Adra and Avraham claimed in their acceptance speeches that Israel is an apartheid state that is ethnically cleansing Palestinians and starving the residents of Gaza. It is unsurprising that they would blatantly lie on the Oscars stage, because their film is based on a long list of falsehoods.

The residents of Masafer Yatta have claimed that it is a village with deep, longstanding roots. But the truth is that it is an invention of the past quarter-century, built illegally on land that was designated as remaining under Israeli control in the Oslo Accords, an agreement signed by the Palestinian leadership.

Before 1980, caves in the Masafer Yatta area were used by Arab shepherds residing in nearby towns as a seasonal refuge during rainy winters, but not as a full-fledged village. The Ottoman Empire, British Mandate and Jordanian occupation declared the land uninhabited, and aerial photo evidence backs up the claim.

In 1980 and 1981, Israel designated different parts of the Masafer Yatta area a live-fire training zone and declared it state land. The IDF gave Arab shepherds from the nearby town of Yatta grazing access during breaks in training, usually on the weekends and Jewish holidays, and during specific annual grazing periods.

In 1995, as part of the Oslo Accords, Masafer Yatta was designated as part of Area C, over which Israel has military and civil control – meaning that any construction in the area required permits from the Israeli authorities. Between 1981 and 1999, Palestinians illegally built dozens of structures in Masafer Yatta, which the IDF repeatedly demolished.

When Israel once again sought to demolish structures in 1999, a legal battle began that lasted for over two decades. The first petition by Palestinians to the Israeli High Court of Justice against Israeli action in the village was submitted in 2000, bringing about an injunction stopping the IDF from training in most of the area and from razing the village for 12 years.

The injunction was also meant to stop building by the area’s Arab residents, yet, during those 12 years, illegal construction continued in Masafer Yatta. The Association for Civil Rights in Israel, representing the village’s residents, petitioned the High Court to require Israel to legalize the structures and cancel the area’s firing zone status.

Subsequently, about a dozen more residential clusters, which the Palestinians called villages, plus schools, mosques, roads and more, were illegally built in the firing zone on Israeli state land. Adra’s family owns an illegal gas station in the area, shown in the film. Some of the structures in the Masafer Yatta area were built with funding from the European Union, which blatantly disregarded the land’s status under the Oslo Accords as under Israeli control.

In 2022, the High Court finally rejected the petition from Masafer Yatta’s residents. The judges accused the petitioners of violating the injunction by continuing to build up the area over the previous 22 years. In addition, the court pointed out that many of the appellants owned homes in nearby Yatta.

The judges cited aerial photos from before Israel declared the area a firing zone as evidence that there were no permanent residences in Masafer Yatta before 1980, and that the Israeli Air Force was able to conduct live-fire exercises in the area until 1993.

Judge David Mintz said in his ruling in 2022 that “at the core of the dispute between the sides is the appellants’ claim that there was a traditional agricultural settlement with public and residential villages established in this place, despite the declaration of a firing zone as a closed military zone, are a direct continuation of that traditional settlement… The appellants were unable to prove their claim of permanent residence before the declaration of a firing zone.”

Citing photos and documents provided by the state, Mintz added: “The clear conclusion arising from all of the materials put before us is that on the eve of the declaration of a firing zone, there were no permanent residences within its borders.”

“No Other Land” does not mention any of this. As far as the filmmakers are concerned, the Israelis want to throw the poor Palestinians off of their land out of bloodlust, racism or greed. Anyone watching the film without prior knowledge comes away thinking there is no legitimate Israeli claim and there is no agreement to which the Palestinians’ own government is a party.

One may feel sympathy for Adra, who lived in Masafer Yatta most of his life and is now raising a family of his own in the area, and may face the demolition of his home. His film certainly makes apparent the challenges he and his neighbors face. Yet, while Adra did not choose where his family would live when he was a child, he is now the tip of the spear of over two decades of propaganda based on lies about victimhood and indigeneity.

The trailer for “No Other Land” claims that “Masafer Yatta exists for one reason: people who hold onto life.” Yet, no amount of glitzy Hollywood events and awards can change the facts. There is a preponderance of evidence that Masafer Yatta is a relatively recent invention built upon by activists, NGOs and eventually foreign governments who have used it as a battering ram against Israel. This has allowed them to claim, as the website for “No Other Land” does, that they are acting in “resistance to apartheid.” In reality, they are playing the victim while squatting and demonizing Israel.

The IDF’s code of ethics, known as “Ruach Tzahal – Spirit of the IDF,” was compiled in 1994 by a committee chaired by Asa Kasher. In 2000, Brigadier General Elazar Stern, then the Chief Education Officer, led another committee composed of professors of Philosophy of Ethics to revise the first version. The manifest is divided into four fundamental values: Defense of the State of Israel and its residents, Patriotism and loyalty to Israel, Human Dignity, and Statehood. There are ten values derived from these fundamental values: Perseverance in the Mission and Pursuit of Victory, Responsibility, Reliability and Trustworthiness, Personal Example, Human Life, Purity of Arms, Professionalism, Discipline, Camaraderie, and a Sense of Mission. In the original document, these values are in alphabetical order except for the first value, considered the most essential of any army – victory!

The first draft generated much controversy from those who claimed that the Ethical Code had no trace of any Jewish or Zionist substance. As a result of this criticism, the fundamental value of Patriotism and loyalty to Israel (ahavat haMoledet veNe’emanut laMedina) was added as a fundamental value. A more “Jewish” translation would use “Love of the Homeland” instead of the parve word “patriotism” used in the IDF’s official translation. The second version also included four sources of inspiration for the Code, one being “The tradition of the Jewish people throughout their history,” which precedes the fourth source, “Universal moral values based on the value and dignity of human life.”

Controversy continued after the second version. Opponents of the second version claimed that most of the authors, especially Asa Kasher, are identified with the extreme left of the Israeli political spectrum. Many of the committee members were on record justifying their refusal to serve in the IDF as a morally valid method of political protest. The opponents claim there is a need for a different, more Jewish creed that better represents the fighting spirit of soldiers who fought in the Swords of Iron War and were faced with exceptional ethical challenges in a prolonged war in an urban theater of operations against a sub-conventional terrorist army.

In the current social climate, trying to change the code of ethics would be a mistake. But I also believe that changes are not necessary. A deeper look reveals terms that carry great significance in Jewish thought.

The first value, “Perseverance in the Mission and Pursuit of Victory,” is a translation of deveikut ba’mesima ve’chatira l’nitzachon. The word deveikut is translated as perseverance, which does not capture its meaning. Deveikut epitomizes the most profound connection between a man and his wife (Bereishit 2:24) and the aspiration to have the same relationship with G-d (Devarim 13:18). The Tanya describes it as “the cleaving of spirit to spirit – the ultimate attachment and union as a result of love” (Iggeret HaTeshuva 9). Nitzachon, Hebrew for “victory,” also derives from netzach, “eternity.”

This value teaches two key lessons for modern warfare: Fighting spirit matters more than technology and weapons, particularly against enemies who spread fear and doubt. Additionally, mission planning must focus on netzach, on eternal objectives, rather than short-term gains.

The final value, Shlichut, goes deeper than its translations of “sense of mission,” “loyalty,” or “representativeness.” In Jewish thought, shlichut describes a relationship between an emissary (shaliach) and their sender (meshalaiach). When I ask soldiers “Who is your sender?” their answers vary: active personnel typically name their commanding officer, while reservists say “my country.” I suggest a broader view: our sender is our nation across all generations – past, present, and future. While soldiers do take orders from commanders and the IDF follows government directives, the Jewish concept of shlichut sees the emissary as the “extended hand” (yada arichta) of the sender. This creates a more profound connection than the U.S. Army’s concept of “selfless service.”

I’ve analyzed many IDF values rooted in Jewish thought beyond the examples discussed above. While a full analysis of each value exceeds this article’s scope, consider the value “Purity of Arms” (Tohar haNeshek). This phrase appears contradictory in Jewish thought, which is why I prefer the traditional rabbinic term “Holiness of the Camp” (Kedushat haMachaneh).

This discussion extends beyond theory. While most After-Action Reviews focus on technical and operational aspects, I use the IDF values (Erkei Tzahal) to evaluate the ethical and behavioral dimensions – what Jewish tradition calls middot – of military operations. Understanding these values through their Jewish context elevates soldiers beyond mere tactical considerations, fostering a deeper sense of purpose and resilience.

Published in HaMizrachi Magazine, Vol. 7:7, February 2025.

Anybody following the news from Washington in recent weeks knows that President Donald Trump and his government efficiency czar Elon Musk have been drying up the swamp of wasteful spending. According to some reports, the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) already has saved US taxpayers hundreds of billions of dollars.

But of course, DOGE is not just about dollars but also about the axing of programs that wield a radical ideological agenda and even anti-American policies.

It is now time to similarly cancel radical anti-Western, anti-Israel, and even antisemitic funding boondoggles on the international level.

Washington has made a good start on this by acting to shut down the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), which for years has funneled millions of dollars to anti-Israel advocacy groups and entities linked to terrorism.

Some of the terror-tied funding initiatives are publicly known. In November 2022, for instance, USAID awarded $100,000 to a Palestinian activist group whose leaders hailed the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, a designated terror group. Just six days before Hamas’s Oct. 7, 2023 assault on Israel, USAID handed $900,000 to a terror charity in Gaza involved with the son of Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh.

A February report from the Middle East Forum found that USAID had directly awarded millions of federal dollars to organizations in Gaza controlled by Hamas. In one Biden-era case, it funded an “educational and community center in Gaza” controlled by a local group called the Unlimited Friends Association. The association openly collaborated with Hamas, inviting the terror group’s officials to its office and boasting of US-funded projects in Hamas-controlled newspapers. In 2021, its director called for Jerusalem to be cleansed “from the impurity of the Jews.”

A report released in January by NGO Monitor outlined millions in USAID funding for two nonprofits – Mercy Corps and American Near East Refugee Aid – that have closely coordinated with a Gaza-based ministry, run by a senior Hamas official identified by the US Treasury as previously responsible for part of Hamas’s smuggling operation. USAID humanitarian packages have been found in Hezbollah caches of weapons in Lebanon.

Sen. Ted Cruz (R–Texas) says that the full story of USAID funding Hamas “is vast and much of it was done in secret,” and he accuses the agency of purposeful subterfuge.

Worse still, under former president Joe Biden’s pick to run the agency, Samantha Power, USAID has taken the lead in accusing Israel of deliberately blocking Gazan aid deliveries, which Hamas is known to steal for its own use and for black market sales that fund its terror activities. USAID staffers went as far as to urge the Biden State Department to end military aid to Israel.

Also praiseworthy is the Trump administration’s early action to cut off funding for UNRWA which has a long record of glorifying terrorism and the rejection of Israel in its textbooks and schools. We now know of agency employees who participated in Hamas terrorist activities and of agency facilities that have been used as rocket storage and launch sites by Hamas. The complete dismantling of UNRWA is the next challenge. Its $1.5 billion budget can much better be spent on real refugee settlement and peacemaking.

In fact, US defunding of the UN all-together may be warranted, at least for a while – as prophylactic treatment. Why should America give the UN more than $18 billion a year when that organization underwrites a variety of departments and agencies that make up a global deep state extraordinarily hostile to the US and to Israel?

As Prof. Eugene Kontorovich has shown, this includes agencies that promote controversial agendas and questionable programs such as transgenderism, the training of LGBTIQ+ writers in the Third World, peacekeeping missions that have proven worthless and wasteful, and layers upon layers of massive bureaucracies that advance charges of apartheid, colonization, and war crimes against Israel while promoting runaway Palestinian statehood.

Then there is the estimated $30 billion to $45 b. that the evil Islamist government of Qatar has invested in the US, infecting the worlds of American academia, media, and business, and clearly contributing to recent anti-American and anti-Israel protests.

The Institute for the Study of Global Antisemitism and Policy (ISGAP) has documented a gargantuan increase in Qatari funding for US universities since October 7 as well as direct connections between the amount of donations from Qatar and other Persian Gulf countries and the activity of Arab and radical Left groups that today terrorize college campuses.

Follow the money. Time to investigate and eliminate funding for the most nefarious and subversive activities on a global scale.

MOVING FROM the broad world to our narrower world, a hard-nosed review and massive recalculation of global support for the Palestinian Authority is also long overdue.

The tens of billions of dollars invested in corrupt Palestinian authorities since the halcyon days of the Oslo Accords have not brought about the building of even one hospital or significant housing project, nor has the largesse encouraged political moderation and maturity of Palestinian leadership.

Just the opposite: Flush with wild amounts of international largesse with few strings attached, the Palestinian national movement has become ever-more aggressive and hostile to Israel over the past 30 years, making true compromise impossible.

One of the most egregious PA policies is “pay-for-slay,” whereby Palestinian terrorists and their families are rewarded for the murder of Israelis on a sliding scale that prioritizes and glorifies the bloodiest attacks.

For example, Palestinian Media Watch has documented more than half-a-billion shekels in PA payments to Palestinian terrorists now being released by Israel in the horrifying terrorist-for-Israeli hostage trade deals. These terrorists have been paid by the PA ever since their arrests. PMW says that more than 300 of the 750 worst terrorists essentially are being released as millionaires.

All this raises questions about the enthusiasm of European countries and international aid agencies for paying for “rehabilitation” in Lebanon and Gaza. With Hezbollah still running Lebanon (under the cover of a fig-leaf Lebanese government) and Hamas still holding sway in Gaza (under cover of what might be a “reformed” PA government), should billions of dollars more in cement and steel and gas be poured into these disaster zones?

Alas, we all know that nobody in the oh-so-concerned and very-humanitarian-minded international community, the biased-against-Israel international community, is going to invest in the rehabilitation of northern and southern Israel, areas that have been devastated and depopulated by Hezbollah and Hamas attacks.

But should the unhealthy habits-of-old subsidize the rearming and rehabilitation of Hezbollah and Hamas? Should the US, Canada, or Germany really participate in international donor conference after international donor conference about pouring more cash down the drains of these terrorist-controlled territories? Have they learned nothing from October 7?

The writer is managing senior fellow at the Jerusalem-based Misgav Institute for National Security & Zionist Strategy. The views expressed here are his own. His diplomatic, defense, political, and Jewish world columns over the past 28 years are at davidmweinberg.com.

Published in The Jerusalem Post 21.02.2025.

Like all Israelis, I have shed buckets of tears in recent weeks watching the scenes of Israelis kidnapped (and to a great extent tortured) by Hamas returning to their families. Tears of joy and tears of horror. But mostly tears of relief.

Like all Israelis, I hope and pray that “stage one” of the deal negotiated by the Biden administration will be completed in full, including the additional tranches of live hostage releases planned for the coming weekends (which also include return of eight bodies of killed Israelis).

I hope and pray that President Trump’s new plan to evacuate all Palestinians from Gaza, Hamas’ ongoing drip-drip torture tactics against Israel, and Israel’s clear intention to yet drive Hamas leadership out of Gaza – don’t upset completion of the hostage-for-terrorist release deal in the near term. Managing these contradictory impulses and aims remains extraordinarily difficult.

Still, for obvious reasons, stages two and three of Biden’s Israel-Hamas deal were never realistic. Hamas never is going to release all Israeli hostages because they are the terrorist organization’s self-protection insurance policy and its most effective weapon for tearing Israeli society apart from within.

Israel is not going to lock-stock-and-barrel withdraw all IDF troops from Gaza and all-together forgo the security perimeter it has created inside Gaza, nor “permanently end” the war against Hamas – including interdiction of weapon shipments into Gaza and real-time strikes on Hamas terrorist offenses – as stipulated in Biden’s outline – because Israel cannot lose this war. It will not rest until Hamas’ military and dictatorial-ruling strength in Gaza is more decisively destroyed.

To this one must now add Trump’s decision to re-work the architecture of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict by denying the annihilationist orthodoxies of the Palestinian national movement and its radical Islamist-jihadist supporters around the world; and rejecting the notion that “only” a unified Palestinian state in Gaza and Judea and Samaria and Jerusalem is the path to peace.

Hamas, of course, has no interest in playing along with Trump’s attempt to reset regional diplomacy or with Israel’s desire to see Trump’s gambit succeed.

And it is clear to anybody looking beyond the hostage issue at the broader strategic picture that Biden’s long-term outline for Hamas-Israel truce is both unwise and unrealistic.

In this regard, colder calculation and less emotional thinking in Israeli society are necessary. The increasingly shrill and even violent demand by protesters that the Netanyahu government cut “any” deal for “all” the hostages to be released “now” is perhaps understandable from a personal perspective (especially when it comes from hostage families) but it is questionable from national and strategic ones.

I certainly do not accept the most recent slogan of protesters that brands the government a “war criminal” government unless it “immediately” (and miraculously) obtains the release of “all hostages now, now, now, now!”

The streets of Tel Aviv and the front pages of almost all newspapers are plastered with this new slogan: “A government that doesn’t obtain all hostage release now is a war criminal government.” This echoes the worst defamatory language of Israel’s enemies everywhere: the commission of war crimes and crimes against humanity.

According to this unbalanced internal discourse, amplified by around-the-clock television reporting that is uniformly vicious towards Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu and his right-wing/haredi coalition, the Israeli government is now guilty of war crimes not only against the Palestinians but against its own people.

According to this unbalanced internal discourse, the 76 remaining Israeli hostages held alive and dead by Hamas in Gaza are not the only hostages. All nine million Israeli Jews have been taken hostage by Netanyahu. Hostage to his personal political fortunes, hostage to his Trump-fed “delusions” of total victory.

IN MY VIEW, this is going many steps too far. Not every deprecatory assault is acceptable in the political campaign to drive Netanyahu out of office. Not every slanderous slogan is kosher even in the struggle for hostage freedom.

And if we are talking in terms of nine million hostages, I say that nine million Israelis must not be taken prisoner in further reckless deals with Hamas that will neither work for the hostages nor bring security to the entire country.

This is the place to recall the dangers of the “stage one” deal already being implemented and the even more wild dangers of potential stage two and three deals: the release of thousands more of Palestinian terrorists.

The released terrorists assuredly will strike again, with God-only-knows how many Israeli casualties in the future. Their release certainly will incentivize future kidnappings, pour gasoline onto the terrorist fires already raging in Judea and Samaria, and catapult Hamas towards its intended takeover of Judea and Samaria.

I know this to be a fact because this has been the case with every previous terrorist release. Israel repeatedly has erred by letting terrorists loose to murder more Israelis.

And each time, in advance of every deal, the Israeli “security establishment” arrogantly and falsely has assured Israeli politicians and the public that it “will know how to manage the situation,” i.e., how to track the terrorists and crush any nascent return to terrorist activity without too much harm done.

But this has never proven to be true. Every deal involving the release of terrorists has led to much bloodshed – planned and conducted by these released terrorists.

In short, dealing Palestinian terrorists for Israeli hostages might be the most necessary thing in the world to do, but it also is a difficult thing to do. The cost will pay out over a prolonged period, and it will be steep. This is important to keep in mind.

THEREFORE, a bit of self-discipline is incumbent on everybody in Israel when demanding that the Netanyahu government cut “any” deal at “any” price on “any” terms for “all” the hostages, who “must” be released “now, now, now.”

(Bang the drums, block the roads, strike the ports and airports, and scream “now, now, now” at the top of your lungs in Knesset too.)

Again, many Israelis will say that hostage release deals are sad but necessary; that it is the government’s moral obligation to free as many hostages as possible, as soon as possible, despite high prices; that the suffering of our hostages and their families is intolerable.

Many will say that giving freed hostages one big national hug is the greatest triumph of all, something so necessary for Israel’s collective spirit and its resilience over the long term. Even if Hamas retains power and survives to fight another day.

This is a legitimate perspective, as far as it goes.

As such, I am glad that as he took office Trump pushed through implementation of Biden’s “stage one” – so that I and all Israelis can rejoice a bit in the hostage lives that have been saved. I look forward to shedding additional buckets of tears of relief as more Israeli hostages are released soon, as healthy as possible.

But nobody has the right to declare skeptics of the current deal, and those of us concerned about imprudent next stage deals, to be “war criminals.” Nobody has the right to take me and nine million other Israelis hostage in an untamed campaign of complete character assassination.

It may be politically incorrect these days to question the tactics – never mind the goals and total discourse dominance – of the movement for hostage release, “now, now, now.” I have been told that it is “brave” and even “unwise” to pen an op-ed column like this. But I think some restraint and rethinking is necessary.

Published in The Jerusalem Post, February 14, 2025.

Naysayers around the world and in Israel hewed to international diplomatic orthodoxies in reacting to President Donald Trump’s announcement this week that the US would take control of the Gaza Strip and permanently “relocate” Palestinians elsewhere.

Few understood what Trump was trying to do, which is to upend decades of stale thinking about the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.

Russia barked that there was “no alternative to the two-state solution,” and France bellowed that “the expulsion of Palestinians from Gaza would violate international law.”

Saudi Arabia rejected “any infringement on the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people, whether through Israeli settlement policies, the annexation of Palestinian lands, or attempts to displace the Palestinian people from their land.”

Mainstream commentators in the US and Israel laughed at Trump for proposing something that was neither feasible nor wise, in their view.

Others dismissed Trump for applying “tawdry real estate thinking” to a protracted ideological conflict.

Left-wing Israeli editors and reporters predictably bemoaned the fact that Trump had gifted Netanyahu a political lifeline by articulating an idea that would bring the hard-Right back into his governing coalition and provide Netanyahu with fodder for his next election campaign.

All this is hackneyed politics or stupid analysis. It misses Trump’s titanic point, his gargantuan insight: What was can no longer be.

It makes no sense to punish Israel or reward the Palestinians with the usual diplomatic playbook. That would be a recipe for yet more suffering, stalemate, and war.

Instead, paradigms have to change. New coordinates must be placed on diplomatic maps.

First and foremost in this transformation is that there must be a cost to decades of Palestinian aggression against Israel.

Palestinians cannot invade Israel, massacre and rape and kidnap Israeli citizens, and then run to international forums and courts to criminalize Israel and swear allegiance to annihilationist ideologies and loyalty to jihadist Iran – and expect a return to the status quo ante.

They cannot expect that Israel will nicely and swiftly withdraw to some supposedly sacrosanct lines after being forced to mount yet another costly military counter-assault.

Israel cannot be expected to let Hamas live-on in control of Gaza to fight it another day.

PALESTINIANS CANNOT expect the world (or at least, America) to dumbly pour yet again billions of dollars of rehabilitation and aid funds into their corrupt and militarized dictatorships.

Who in their right mind thinks to rebuild Gaza under Hamas, where every pile of rubble is wired to explode with Iranian-provided bombs and every building still standing has a terror attack tunnel burrowed underneath it?

Trump challenges conventions, and it works 

Donald Trump, disrupter-in-chief, is saying that it is time for new thinking. He is challenging conventions.

Even if his “Trumpsfer” plan is a nonstarter, even if the plan is unrealistic, it forces everybody to abandon failed fallback templates.

Trump is saying that the EKP (the “Everybody Knows Paradigm,” also known as the “Clinton Parameters”) may be kaput. Is it true that a full-fledged Palestinian state in a unified West Bank and Gaza will bring peace to the Mideast and that “only” this formula can guarantee Israel’s future? Perhaps not.

Is it really true that if billions are ploughed into Gaza reconstruction by the international community, the Palestinians currently there will discover that it is worth investing in peace with Israel? Perhaps not.

Therefore, any movement away from antiquated formulas for resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict – most of which have been based on maximalist Palestinian demands deemed holy by the international community – is a huge achievement.

Essentially, Trump is moving to reset the Mideast diplomatic table based on historical truths and concrete realities.

His previous administration wholly rejected the notion that an Israeli-Palestinian solution should begin from any 75-year-old armistice line forced upon Israel by Arab aggression; or from the defensive “security barrier” forced upon Israel by Palestinian terrorism; or from any borders dictated by politicized international organizations and jaundiced legal tribunals.

Today, Washington is also rebuffing the Palestinian notion that Jerusalem can be coerced into wide-ranging withdrawals by appealing to international courts to criminalize Israel.

THE TRUMP administration is rejecting the system of never-ending Palestinian refugeehood backed by organizations like UNRWA, which have underpinned the belief that Gaza (or any other piece of land the Palestinians control) is not a home, but merely a launching pad for reconquering “Palestine from the River to the Sea.”

Trump is asserting that the Clinton parameters do not adequately conform to today’s dramatically changed Mideast security environment.

And that those parameters insufficiently contemplated the irredentist, almost Nazi-like nature of much of the Palestinian national movement.

The tired EKP also underwrote a dynamic whereby every Palestinian failure in responsible state-building was forgiven; every Palestinian rejection of a reasonable peace offer was explained-away; and every Palestinian assault on Israel was excused in international forums, including the invasion and massacre of October 7, 2023.

At the same time, unilateral Palestinian steps against Israel were accepted with equanimity – such as appeals to have their statehood unilaterally recognized by the UN without negotiation or compromise; appeals to the International Criminal Court and International Court of Justice to penalize Israel; and illegal building of Palestinian settlements in Area C of the West Bank.

Israel was expected to do nothing in response to these Palestinian assaults. It was supposed to wait endlessly for a negotiation with Palestinians that Palestinian leadership never wanted and repeatedly rejects.

Israel also was expected to hang on for a peaceful and democratic Palestinian political culture to miraculously emerge.

This would involve, alas implausibly, a unified Palestinian government that doesn’t pay people to kill Israelis, that disarms Hamas and other terrorist armies in its midst, that ends the teaching of antisemitism and genocidal attitudes toward Israel in its schools and media, that respects human rights, that is prepared to reconcile with Israel as the nation state of the Jewish people, that accepts as legitimate (at least some) Jewish settlement in Judea and Samaria, that accepts Israeli security control of the two-state envelope, etc.

In the meantime, of course, Israel had been expected to take no unilateral action to secure its baseline national and security assets. Well, that no longer holds, thanks to President Trump.

A method to Trump’s seeming madness 

THERE IS a method to Trump’s seeming madness. He and his team seem to have intuited the truth that the real challenge in Palestinian-Israeli affairs is to unleash long-term dynamics that shatter obsolete approaches, and which might regenerate belief in the possibility of peace.

In this regard, one assumes that the Trump team has taken notice of tectonic realignments in Israeli public opinion – against establishment of any Palestinian state, in favor of extending Israeli sovereignty to much of Judea and Samaria, and in favor of expelling Gaza Arabs.

This is not a function of Israeli “trauma,” as some condescending European leaders have suggested. Rather, it is informed political maturation.

Don’t snottily dismiss Israeli “fears” of Palestinian terrorism (or of Iranian nuclear attack) as if the Israeli public is a psychological weakling that needs to be coddled; as if Israel is a polity that needs security “assurances” and international “guarantees” so that it can revert to the good old Oslo-era “solutions.”

Rather, Israel has undergone an informed political maturation – call it a hawkish transformation or the ripening of hard-earned wisdom, whatever you wish.

In short, Israelis agree with Trump that they cannot make – that the region and the world must not make – the same mistakes over and over again.

Trump is absolutely correct about this: “They’ve tried other solutions [writer’s note: like rebuilding Gaza with a Palestinian government], and they’ve tried it for decades and decades and decades. It’s not going to work.

It didn’t work, it will never work. And you have to learn from history. History is, you know: [We] just can’t let it keep repeating itself.”

To this one should add Trump’s recognition of Israel’s justified and necessary victories, and its strategic value to the US. “Israel has endured a sustained, aggressive, and murderous assault on every front. But it fought back bravely after an all-out attack on the very existence of a Jewish state in the Jewish homeland,” he said.

“The Israelis stood strong and united in the face of an enemy that kidnapped, tortured, raped, and slaughtered innocent women and children. I salute the Israeli people for meeting this trial with courage, determination, and unflinching resolve.”

Israeli military victories and innovative diplomatic approaches like the president’s are the path to eventual peace and prosperity. Trump’s disruption is a good thing.

Published in The Jerusalem Post, February 8, 2025.

Israel’s Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar and Deputy Foreign Minister Sharren Haskel are looking for smart ways to spend NIS 500 million on public diplomacy. This new government hasbara (Israel advocacy) budget is to be 20 times what it was before the Israel-Hamas War began in 2023. The two leaders have been brainstorming with influencers and public opinion leaders as to the allocation of the funds.

The challenge is enormous, the effort is worthy, and the range of initiatives suggested is impressive. But Sa’ar and Haskel must be careful not to waste funds on feckless enterprises. This includes the establishment of a government hasbara bureaucracy and more. Mainly, they ought to revolutionize Israel’s messaging. This means matching resolute messaging to Israel’s necessarily aggressive strategic and defense posture and restoring the Jewish faith and traditions to Israel’s diplomatic arsenal.

What Israel should not do with the new hasbara budget is this: Set up a grand government hasbara directorate or fiefdom. There are plenty of existing mechanisms to simply coordinate matters, including the Foreign Ministry’s own public diplomacy division; and in any case, government bureaucracies have never been good at implementation. Give the money to fast-moving independent actors.

Secondly, don’t spend big chunks of cash on hasbara “research” projects or on international public relations firms – who will be only too happy to “advise” Israel at great expense after conducting polling and focus groups and opposition research and more. This has been done so many times.

Thirdly, don’t try to outdo bad actors by spending tons on TikTok videos, even though many will say this is critical in reaching younger audiences. There is simply no way at present to outspend and overwhelm the billions of anti-Israel posts on this Chinese-controlled medium.

Instead, invest in a broad swath of cool Gen-Z activists, in media training for Israeli officials, in Arabic and other multilingual and multiethnic young spokespeople, in a 24-hour English TV network, in efforts to expose the moral bankruptcy of the United Nations and the venality of Qatar-backed ventures at universities, and in programs that highlight the non-political faces of Israel in culture, sports, technology, and medicine.

Most importantly, and most of all, invest in missions to Israel. Over my 45 years in pro-Israel activism and outreach to global leaders and intellectuals, it has become piercingly clear that nothing, but nothing, more effectively develops friends for Israel than a well-planned trip to the land. Such visits are always overwhelmingly transformative.

Getting relevant influencers to visit Israel is hard work, especially since the violent anti-Israel hordes abroad are attempting to make the Jewish state into a contaminated product and have succeeded – partially – in raising the social cost of sympathy and support for Israel. Indeed, at the current moment, there are certain groups that simply won’t visit Israel.

But there are many good and important target sectors with residual basic goodwill towards the state whose thought leaders and community activists can and must be invited to visit here to discover Israel in all its richness; its aspirations, beauty, and battles; warts and all.

Missions, missions, missions. Working through pro-Israel organizations abroad. That is my main operational advice to the Israeli government.

MINISTERS SA’AR AND HASKEL must also lead a messaging revolution. This means matching resolute messaging to Israel’s newly and necessarily aggressive strategic and defense posture.

‘Hasbara’ is not working

Twenty-five years of Oslo-era hasbara epistles have not worked. It is simply insufficient to explain Israel’s security dilemmas or emphasize Israel’s past and potentially future diplomatic generosity towards the Palestinians. What are needed are three additional themes.

The first is the reintroduction of realism and truth-telling to the global dynamic.

This means a basic restatement of the Jewish People’s profound historical and national rights in Israel and Jerusalem. To this, add Israel as the Jewish People’s contribution to science, technology, arts, and culture in the modern world, and as a reliable anchor for democracy in a dangerous part of the world.

Second, there is no choice but to own up and embrace Israel’s strength. Israeli messaging must affirm Israeli power and articulate how that strength is justifiably and wisely being used to fight Iran, Islamic jihadism, and annihilationist (against Israel) Palestinianism.

The fact is that Israel is acting with overwhelming military power to reset the regional strategic architecture and roll back its enemies. It is seeking to restore its dominance and deterrence across all its borders, and in Judea and Samaria (the West Bank) too, and it will yet act even more forcefully. A fierce takedown of Iran is surely next.

Of course, this presents a heightened hasbara challenge for advocates of Israel, but there is no way to avoid the state’s ferociousness. The challenge must be met defiantly and unwaveringly.

Remember David Ben-Gurion’s famous adage about the Messianic era when the lion will lie down with the lamb, as per Isaiah? “That will be great,” said Ben-Gurion, “as long as Israel is the lion!”

So, supporters of Israel cannot be shy about Israeli military prowess. They must articulate the reasons why the Jewish state must be the “lion” and use crushing force to deter enemies and defend its homeland. In my mind, this is the most important turnabout necessary in Israeli public diplomacy and global pro-Israel activism.

Indeed, I have found that such forthright talk has a salutary impact. Without being nasty or unfeeling regarding Israel’s adversaries, one can convey a deep sense of sincerity by clarifying red lines and owning up to Israel’s necessarily aggressive strategic posture. People are forced to respect that, even if they may not impute to Israel spectacular charity.

THIRD, AND this is a theme hinted at above, Israeli and Jewish public diplomacy must become more candidly “Jewish.” In the past, secular themes have dominated – Israel’s security needs and diplomatic bigheartedness. This was because secular messaging was most comfortable for secular Israeli leaders and diplomats themselves, and they also surely thought that such an approach was most relatable for foreign leaders and Diaspora Jews.

These days, given the ideological assault on Judaism and Zionism that underpins violent Palestinianism and its “progressive” fellow travelers, this must change.

We all must insist on a narrative that proclaims incontrovertible, indigenous Jewish rights to Israel, and which speaks of the land as a grand reunion of faith, people, and land. We can win only if we speak about history, justice, and the Jewish nation. I sense that Jews abroad, in particular, now recognize that one cannot escape core Jewish identities and creeds in any effort to support Israel.

Indeed, in repeat visits to Dubai and Abu Dhabi, I have found that urbane Arabs such as the Emiratis respect Israelis for their faithfulness to Jewish tradition, for their belief in the power of Jewish history, and for their loyalty to ancient heritage and unique national identity.

Believe it or not, the Emiratis seem to understand – perhaps better than we do ourselves, sometimes – that these anchors of identity are the greatest source of strength and authenticity.

To all this, I add a comment about tone and timbre. Hasbara needs to be smart and sophisticated and delivered in a reasonable manner. Radical talk and wild action are the modus operandi of Israel’s enemies; not ours. Hot-headedness only drives potential friends away.

Nevertheless, there must be a way to express outrage about genocidal anti-Zionist and anti-Jewish sentiment, and, as I say, to explicate Israel’s determination to beat all enemies. After 2,000 years of demonization and persecution, and after 16 months of heroic battle to defeat Hamas, Hezbollah, and others, Jews and Zionists in the 21st century no longer have to bear body blows on a regular basis!

We are no longer powerless. It is time to engage in the fight for Israel with passion and conviction, not apologetics or apprehension.

Published in The Jerusalem Post, January 31, 2025